Let The Meltage Begin!
Posted: Fri Jun 26, 2015 2:09 pm
It ends the matter of the legality of SSM. Any government agency or government politician who tries to block SSM marriage would be violating the law.Wolfman wrote:The USA is no longer a representative republic. And if you think this ends "things", you could not be more wrong.
Every year we lose more reactionaries to the sweet embrace of death. Go to the light bud. Or the Bud Lite if you're War Wagon.Wolfman wrote:The USA is no longer a representative republic. And if you think this ends "things", you could not be more wrong.
lolDiego wrote:the law
I'll take that as coming from your "inside sources."poptart wrote:Celebrate your fruity day now, but wait until "the law" -- pulled out of thin air, gets turned right back on you.
Because oh, it will.
It surely will.
We learned yesterday that states does not mean states, so now where are we?Diego in Seattle wrote:States
poptart wrote:We learned yesterday that states does not mean states, so now where are we?Diego in Seattle wrote:States
smackaholic wrote: words are open to interpretation and seeing as laws are made of words, the court is able to a law means whatever the fukk it says it means.
The Court and Constitutional Interpretation
"EQUAL JUSTICE UNDER LAW"-These words, written above the main entrance to the Supreme Court Building, express the ultimate responsibility of the Supreme Court of the United States. The Court is the highest tribunal in the Nation for all cases and controversies arising under the Constitution or the laws of the United States. As the final arbiter of the law, the Court is charged with ensuring the American people the promise of equal justice under law and, thereby, also functions as guardian and interpreter of the Constitution.
The Supreme Court is "distinctly American in concept and function," as Chief Justice Charles Evans Hughes observed. Few other courts in the world have the same authority of constitutional interpretation and none have exercised it for as long or with as much influence. A century and a half ago, the French political observer Alexis de Tocqueville noted the unique position of the Supreme Court in the history of nations and of jurisprudence. "The representative system of government has been adopted in several states of Europe," he remarked, "but I am unaware that any nation of the globe has hitherto organized a judicial power in the same manner as the Americans. . . . A more imposing judicial power was never constituted by any people."
The unique position of the Supreme Court stems, in large part, from the deep commitment of the American people to the Rule of Law and to constitutional government. The United States has demonstrated an unprecedented determination to preserve and protect its written Constitution, thereby providing the American "experiment in democracy" with the oldest written Constitution still in force.
The Constitution of the United States is a carefully balanced document. It is designed to provide for a national government sufficiently strong and flexible to meet the needs of the republic, yet sufficiently limited and just to protect the guaranteed rights of citizens; it permits a balance between society's need for order and the individual's right to freedom. To assure these ends, the Framers of the Constitution created three independent and coequal branches of government. That this Constitution has provided continuous democratic government through the periodic stresses of more than two centuries illustrates the genius of the American system of government.
The complex role of the Supreme Court in this system derives from its authority to invalidate legislation or executive actions which, in the Court's considered judgment, conflict with the Constitution. This power of "judicial review" has given the Court a crucial responsibility in assuring individual rights, as well as in maintaining a "living Constitution" whose broad provisions are continually applied to complicated new situations.
While the function of judicial review is not explicitly provided in the Constitution, it had been anticipated before the adoption of that document. Prior to 1789, state courts had already overturned legislative acts which conflicted with state constitutions. Moreover, many of the Founding Fathers expected the Supreme Court to assume this role in regard to the Constitution; Alexander Hamilton and James Madison, for example, had underlined the importance of judicial review in the Federalist Papers, which urged adoption of the Constitution.
Hamilton had written that through the practice of judicial review the Court ensured that the will of the whole people, as expressed in their Constitution, would be supreme over the will of a legislature, whose statutes might express only the temporary will of part of the people. And Madison had written that constitutional interpretation must be left to the reasoned judgment of independent judges, rather than to the tumult and conflict of the political process. If every constitutional question were to be decided by public political bargaining, Madison argued, the Constitution would be reduced to a battleground of competing factions, political passion and partisan spirit.
Despite this background the Court's power of judicial review was not confirmed until 1803, when it was invoked by Chief Justice John Marshall in Marbury v. Madison. In this decision, the Chief Justice asserted that the Supreme Court's responsibility to overturn unconstitutional legislation was a necessary consequence of its sworn duty to uphold the Constitution. That oath could not be fulfilled any other way. "It is emphatically the province of the judicial department to say what the law is," he declared.
In retrospect, it is evident that constitutional interpretation and application were made necessary by the very nature of the Constitution. The Founding Fathers had wisely worded that document in rather general terms leaving it open to future elaboration to meet changing conditions. As Chief Justice Marshall noted in McCulloch v. Maryland, a constitution that attempted to detail every aspect of its own application "would partake of the prolixity of a legal code, and could scarcely be embraced by the human mind. . . . Its nature, therefore, requires that only its great outlines should be marked, its important objects designated, and the minor ingredients which compose those objects be deduced from the nature of the objects themselves."
The Constitution limits the Court to dealing with "Cases" and "Controversies." John Jay, the first Chief Justice, clarified this restraint early in the Court's history by declining to advise President George Washington on the constitutional implications of a proposed foreign policy decision. The Court does not give advisory opinions; rather, its function is limited only to deciding specific cases.
The Justices must exercise considerable discretion in deciding which cases to hear, since more than 10,000 civil and criminal cases are filed in the Supreme Court each year from the various state and federal courts. The Supreme Court also has "original jurisdiction" in a very small number of cases arising out of disputes between States or between a State and the Federal Government.
When the Supreme Court rules on a constitutional issue, that judgment is virtually final; its decisions can be altered only by the rarely used procedure of constitutional amendment or by a new ruling of the Court. However, when the Court interprets a statute, new legislative action can be taken.
Chief Justice Marshall expressed the challenge which the Supreme Court faces in maintaining free government by noting: "We must never forget that it is a constitution we are expounding . . . intended to endure for ages to come, and consequently, to be adapted to the various crises of human affairs."
That happened in 1942 not yesterday you stupid fuck and it has been done many time by Scalia himself.poptart wrote:We learned yesterday that states does not mean states, so now where are we?Diego in Seattle wrote:States
Sin,88 wrote:We have new royalty, people. Bow down.
There are cases where a judge has to interpret a complex issue. This is not one of those cases. This is a case where simple 3rd grade understanding of the English language will do. He very well could have said,"congress, re-write and pass this. He didn't because he simply does not want this law to die and he knows that the current congress would not pass a re-write. In doing this, he is saying that interpreting memans whatever the fukk he wants it to mean. In other words, the SCOTUS can just do whatever the fukk it wants. And if the dems get another term and can flip the court in the lib direction, it is game fukking over.Mikey wrote:smackaholic wrote: words are open to interpretation and seeing as laws are made of words, the court is able to a law means whatever the fukk it says it means.
Glad so see you remembered your Civics class.
Because "interpretation" is exactly what the SCOTUS is supposed to do.
http://www.supremecourt.gov/about/constitutional.aspx
The Court and Constitutional Interpretation
"EQUAL JUSTICE UNDER LAW"-These words, written above the main entrance to the Supreme Court Building, express the ultimate responsibility of the Supreme Court of the United States. The Court is the highest tribunal in the Nation for all cases and controversies arising under the Constitution or the laws of the United States. As the final arbiter of the law, the Court is charged with ensuring the American people the promise of equal justice under law and, thereby, also functions as guardian and interpreter of the Constitution.
The Supreme Court is "distinctly American in concept and function," as Chief Justice Charles Evans Hughes observed. Few other courts in the world have the same authority of constitutional interpretation and none have exercised it for as long or with as much influence. A century and a half ago, the French political observer Alexis de Tocqueville noted the unique position of the Supreme Court in the history of nations and of jurisprudence. "The representative system of government has been adopted in several states of Europe," he remarked, "but I am unaware that any nation of the globe has hitherto organized a judicial power in the same manner as the Americans. . . . A more imposing judicial power was never constituted by any people."
The unique position of the Supreme Court stems, in large part, from the deep commitment of the American people to the Rule of Law and to constitutional government. The United States has demonstrated an unprecedented determination to preserve and protect its written Constitution, thereby providing the American "experiment in democracy" with the oldest written Constitution still in force.
The Constitution of the United States is a carefully balanced document. It is designed to provide for a national government sufficiently strong and flexible to meet the needs of the republic, yet sufficiently limited and just to protect the guaranteed rights of citizens; it permits a balance between society's need for order and the individual's right to freedom. To assure these ends, the Framers of the Constitution created three independent and coequal branches of government. That this Constitution has provided continuous democratic government through the periodic stresses of more than two centuries illustrates the genius of the American system of government.
The complex role of the Supreme Court in this system derives from its authority to invalidate legislation or executive actions which, in the Court's considered judgment, conflict with the Constitution. This power of "judicial review" has given the Court a crucial responsibility in assuring individual rights, as well as in maintaining a "living Constitution" whose broad provisions are continually applied to complicated new situations.
While the function of judicial review is not explicitly provided in the Constitution, it had been anticipated before the adoption of that document. Prior to 1789, state courts had already overturned legislative acts which conflicted with state constitutions. Moreover, many of the Founding Fathers expected the Supreme Court to assume this role in regard to the Constitution; Alexander Hamilton and James Madison, for example, had underlined the importance of judicial review in the Federalist Papers, which urged adoption of the Constitution.
Hamilton had written that through the practice of judicial review the Court ensured that the will of the whole people, as expressed in their Constitution, would be supreme over the will of a legislature, whose statutes might express only the temporary will of part of the people. And Madison had written that constitutional interpretation must be left to the reasoned judgment of independent judges, rather than to the tumult and conflict of the political process. If every constitutional question were to be decided by public political bargaining, Madison argued, the Constitution would be reduced to a battleground of competing factions, political passion and partisan spirit.
Despite this background the Court's power of judicial review was not confirmed until 1803, when it was invoked by Chief Justice John Marshall in Marbury v. Madison. In this decision, the Chief Justice asserted that the Supreme Court's responsibility to overturn unconstitutional legislation was a necessary consequence of its sworn duty to uphold the Constitution. That oath could not be fulfilled any other way. "It is emphatically the province of the judicial department to say what the law is," he declared.
In retrospect, it is evident that constitutional interpretation and application were made necessary by the very nature of the Constitution. The Founding Fathers had wisely worded that document in rather general terms leaving it open to future elaboration to meet changing conditions. As Chief Justice Marshall noted in McCulloch v. Maryland, a constitution that attempted to detail every aspect of its own application "would partake of the prolixity of a legal code, and could scarcely be embraced by the human mind. . . . Its nature, therefore, requires that only its great outlines should be marked, its important objects designated, and the minor ingredients which compose those objects be deduced from the nature of the objects themselves."
The Constitution limits the Court to dealing with "Cases" and "Controversies." John Jay, the first Chief Justice, clarified this restraint early in the Court's history by declining to advise President George Washington on the constitutional implications of a proposed foreign policy decision. The Court does not give advisory opinions; rather, its function is limited only to deciding specific cases.
The Justices must exercise considerable discretion in deciding which cases to hear, since more than 10,000 civil and criminal cases are filed in the Supreme Court each year from the various state and federal courts. The Supreme Court also has "original jurisdiction" in a very small number of cases arising out of disputes between States or between a State and the Federal Government.
When the Supreme Court rules on a constitutional issue, that judgment is virtually final; its decisions can be altered only by the rarely used procedure of constitutional amendment or by a new ruling of the Court. However, when the Court interprets a statute, new legislative action can be taken.
Chief Justice Marshall expressed the challenge which the Supreme Court faces in maintaining free government by noting: "We must never forget that it is a constitution we are expounding . . . intended to endure for ages to come, and consequently, to be adapted to the various crises of human affairs."
Good point. The divorce rate is around or less than 50% right now, so it'll be interesting to see after some data collected over the years if gays divorce rates will be higher or lower. My niece is a lesbian and I've never seen more drama between her and her lesbian circle of friends and girlfriends than I would if I watched 30 straight days of Young and the Restless.R-Jack wrote:I think you guys are looking at it the wrong way.
Gay marriage paves the way for gay divorce. You all know that "Gay Divorce Court" could end up being the most entertaining thing in the history of television.
Let it go. You guys are gay honeymoon levels of butt-hurt over it.
Only an overly pedantic twat would come to that conclusion. The intent of the law is obvious.smackaholic wrote:There are cases where a judge has to interpret a complex issue. This is not one of those cases. This is a case where simple 3rd grade understanding of the English language will do. He very well could have said,"congress, re-write and pass this. He didn't because he simply does not want this law to die and he knows that the current congress would not pass a re-write. In doing this, he is saying that interpreting memans whatever the fukk he wants it to mean. In other words, the SCOTUS can just do whatever the fukk it wants. And if the dems get another term and can flip the court in the lib direction, it is game fukking over.
A+ Jack, outstanding allegory.R-Jack wrote: You guys are gay honeymoon levels of butt-hurt over it.
The Article and section of the Constitution granting SCOTUS this power is?Mikey wrote:Court is charged with ensuring the American people the promise of equal justice under law and, thereby, also functions as guardian and interpreter of the Constitution.
“The question whether the judges are invested with exclusive authority to decide on the constitutionality of a law has been heretofore a subject of consideration with me in the exercise of official duties. Certainly there is not a word in the Constitution which has given that power to them more than to the Executive or Legislative branches.”
--Thomas Jefferson
Then they should have said so in plain English.BSmack wrote:Only an overly pedantic twat would come to that conclusion. The intent of the law is obvious.smackaholic wrote:There are cases where a judge has to interpret a complex issue. This is not one of those cases. This is a case where simple 3rd grade understanding of the English language will do. He very well could have said,"congress, re-write and pass this. He didn't because he simply does not want this law to die and he knows that the current congress would not pass a re-write. In doing this, he is saying that interpreting memans whatever the fukk he wants it to mean. In other words, the SCOTUS can just do whatever the fukk it wants. And if the dems get another term and can flip the court in the lib direction, it is game fukking over.
There were other words in the ACA that clearly showed the intent was to offer subsidies to all.smackaholic wrote:Words have meanings. When we give anyone in government the power to say "well, what they really meant was..." we no longer have the rule of law. Whoever is in charge at that moment can do pretty much whatever the fukk they please.
That's not a quote from the USC. Nice try though.mvscal wrote:Nope. Try again.
“The question whether the judges are invested with exclusive authority to decide on the constitutionality of a law has been heretofore a subject of consideration with me in the exercise of official duties. Certainly there is not a word in the Constitution which has given that power to them more than to the Executive or Legislative branches.”
--Thomas Jefferson
mvscal wrote:Nope. Try again.
“The question whether the judges are invested with exclusive authority to decide on the constitutionality of a law has been heretofore a subject of consideration with me in the exercise of official duties. Certainly there is not a word in the Constitution which has given that power to them more than to the Executive or Legislative branches.”
--Thomas Jefferson
Hell yeah.Mikey wrote:You really want to go with TJ?
^^absolutely the worst poster every. Please graduate from 3rd grade before you post again pedo.Shlomart Ben Yisrael wrote:Hell yeah.Mikey wrote:You really want to go with TJ?
No. It was a simple statement of fact.Moving Sale wrote:That's not a quote from the USC. Nice try though.mvscal wrote:Nope. Try again.
“The question whether the judges are invested with exclusive authority to decide on the constitutionality of a law has been heretofore a subject of consideration with me in the exercise of official duties. Certainly there is not a word in the Constitution which has given that power to them more than to the Executive or Legislative branches.”
--Thomas Jefferson
Section 2.
The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority;--to all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls;--to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction;--to controversies to which the United States shall be a party;--to controversies between two or more states;--between a state and citizens of another state;--between citizens of different states;--between citizens of the same state claiming lands under grants of different states, and between a state, or the citizens thereof, and foreign states, citizens or subjects.
In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, and those in which a state shall be party, the Supreme Court shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such regulations as the Congress shall make.
The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury; and such trial shall be held in the state where the said crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed within any state, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed.
Are you even capable of tying your own shoes?Moving Sale wrote: ^^absolutely the worst poster every.
Well sure he can, his hands are only an inch or two away from his feet.Shlomart Ben Yisrael wrote:Are you even capable of tying your own shoes?Moving Sale wrote: ^^absolutely the worst poster every.
Jay I think you might be confusing him with Dinsdale. Have you seen that lanky bastard.Jay in Phoenix wrote:Well sure he can, his hands are only an inch or two away from his feet.Shlomart Ben Yisrael wrote:Are you even capable of tying your own shoes?Moving Sale wrote: ^^absolutely the worst poster every.
^^case in point. Bland, repetitive, inaccurate and juvenile. About what one would expect from a pedophile.Shlomart Ben Yisrael wrote:Are you even capable of tying your own shoes?Moving Sale wrote: ^^absolutely the worst poster every.
Yeah, not unlike white flag, pedophile, fuck sofa, fat fuck, black cock or any other of your standard fill in the blanks you always apply.Moving Sale wrote:^^case in point. Bland, repetitive, inaccurate and juvenile. About what one would expect from a pedophile.Shlomart Ben Yisrael wrote:Are you even capable of tying your own shoes?Moving Sale wrote: ^^absolutely the worst poster every.